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Supreme Court of Kenya ruling on Presidential Petition September 1, 2017
Summary of the Supreme Court’s Registrar assembled team of experts (Supreme Court issued orders but IEBC defied most) to physically examine the 34A and B forms and IEBC Servers:
1. That nearly a third of the forms have irregularities: some are blank, some are signed in the same handwriting, some come from polling stations that didn’t officially exist, some show results that differed from the totals, and from the totals announced by the electoral commission, and thousands lack official stamps, signatures, and watermarks.
2. That some 5 million votes, enough to affect the outcome, were not verified.
3. On examining the IEBC logs the Supreme Court-appointed team found that numerous unauthorized users had entered the system before and after the election
4. That the electoral commission chairman had uploaded and removed 34A forms,
5. And that some polling center results had been added before the election had actually occurred. The Supreme Court is expected to rule on September 1, but on August 29, the court registrar
6. That the $24 million KIEMS system supposed to enable scans of the 34A forms to be sent to the electoral commission and posted online immediately, so they could be double checked by all parties and the public ‘broke down’ at polling stations all across the country, so only the numbers were sent to Nairobi, often not by the new system but by text message.
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Note: University of Michigan Professor of Statistics and Political Science Walter Mebane volunteered to conduct a forensic analysis of the results. The sample test showed results that had been tampered with in a pattern. Prof Mebane’s computer program identified over half a million fraudulent votes(almost certainly an underestimate of the true number).
PHOTO | BILLY MUTAI | FILE Kenya National Union of Teachers (Knut) Secretary General Wilson Sossion addressing the press in the past. Knut Sunday told headteachers to ignore a government order to release certificates to former students who have school fees arrears. NATION MEDIA GROUP
Summary
Mr Sossion has been nominated to the House by Mr Raila Odinga’s Orange Democratic Movement (ODM).
And though he publicly asked Mr Odinga to choose another person in his place, Mr Sossion did not write formally to the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission to relinquish his seat.
Firebrand trade unionist Wilson Sossion will not be resigning as an MP after all, he confirmed to the Nation Thursday morning.
“I am already at the chambers, ready to be sworn in,” he told the Nation on phone.
KNUT POST
Mr Sossion, the Secretary General of the Kenya National Union of Teachers (Knut), recently publicly turned down his nomination but is listed in the August 25 Kenya Gazette of nominated members to the National Assembly.
Mr Sossion has been nominated to the House by Mr Raila Odinga’s Orange Democratic Movement (ODM).
And though he publicly asked Mr Odinga to choose another person in his place, Mr Sossion did not write formally to the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission to relinquish his seat.
Mr Sossion will today take oath of office together with the other members of the National Assembly, before the election of the Speaker and the deputy.
ATWOLI
A similar process will be going on at the Senate.
On Wednesday, Central Organisation of Trade Unions Secretary-General Francis Atwoli asked elected and nominated trade unionists not to turn down their places in Parliament.
Mr Atwoli singled out Mr Sossion, congratulated him on his nomination “on a worker ticket,” and urged him “to be firm and steadfast as he embarks this important assignment as the voice of the Kenyan workers.’’
“We ask the two unions not to fall prey to some external forces, interests and pressures to either relieve these elected union officials of their positions or be coerced into calling for their resignation, because as workers we are no doubt set to benefit greatly,” Mr Atwoli said.
OTHERS
Apart from Mr Sossion, Kuppet Chairman Omboko Milemba and assistant national treasurer Ronald Tonui won the Emuhaya and Bomet Central MP seats, respectively.
Kuppet gender secretary Catherine Wambilianga is the Bungoma Woman Representative while the Nyatike MP is Mr Tom Odege, secretary-general of the Union of Kenya Civil Servants.
In urging them not to turn down their seats, Mr Atwoli cited celebrated independence hero the late Tom Mboya, Dennis Akumu, Fred Kubai and Juma Boy who were elected to Parliament while still union officials.
In the outgoing Parliament, Moyale MP Roba Duba (Kenya County Government Workers) and former Kabete MP the late George Muchai were the high profile unionists.
Kenya’s national elections last Tuesday were closely watched around the world, less for the results than for the threat of violence that has marred past elections. Barack Obama, whose father was a Kenyan, had been among those urging the country’s leaders to “reject violence and incitement.”
That has not happened. Raila Odinga, a perennial loser, began crying foul long before the election commission declared that President Uhuru Kenyatta was re-elected with 54 percent of the vote to Mr. Odinga’s 45. Mr. Odinga’s unsubstantiated claims have already touched off rioting in parts of the country, and the violence could spread.
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Raila Odinga was surrounded by supporters on Sunday in Mathare, a slum in Nairobi, Kenya.CreditBen Curtis/Associated Press..
The presidency was one of 1,880 positions Kenya’s 19 million voters were to fill. It was the most closely and nervously monitored race because of the violence following past presidential elections, notably in 2007, when more than 1,300 people died and hundreds of thousands were displaced.
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Since then the Kenyan government has made admirable changes to the Constitution, devolving considerable powers to 47 newly created counties so that the presidential race would not be a winner-take-all affair. But ethnic identity still plays a major role in Kenyan politics, with all but one president since independence, including Jomo Kenyatta, the first president and father of the current one, coming from the Kikuyu tribe, the country’s largest.
Both President Kenyatta and Mr. Odinga, a Luo, come from families and networks that have dominated Kenyan politics since independence, and both represent coalitions of ethnic groups. Mr. Odinga has once again fanned the embers of ethnic strife.
That is disgraceful and unnecessary. International monitors from the African Union, the United States and Europe said they witnessed no foul play; former United States Secretary of State John Kerry, co-leader of the Carter Center’s mission of election observers, praised Kenya’s election commission for its transparency and diligence. All observers have urged Mr. Odinga and other losing candidates to refer any allegations of fraud to the commission and the courts.
Mr. Odinga’s specific claim is that Mr. Kenyatta’s Jubilee party hacked into the election commission’s computers to manipulate results, using the identity of Christopher Chege Musando, the commission communications manager who was murdered a few days before the voting. His death remains unsolved. The commission said that there was an attempt to hack the computers but that it failed.
All that can and should be checked. But in the meantime it is imperative that Mr. Odinga strongly urge his followers to remain calm. At 72, he might mull the idea that a display of respect for the new Constitution would be a far better legacy than another bloody spasm of violence.
Kenyans waiting to vote in the presidential election, Gatundu, Kenya, August 8, 2017
On August 8, millions of Kenyans formed long, orderly lines outside polling stations across the country to vote in presidential and local elections. Kenya is notorious for corruption, and virtually all prior elections had been marred by rigging. This time, however, the US and Kenya’s other donors had invested $24 million in an electronic vote-tallying system designed to prevent interference. When Kenya’s electoral commission announced on August 11 that President Uhuru Kenyatta had won another five-year term with over 54 percent of the vote, observer teams from the African Union, the European Union, and the highly respected US-based Carter Center, led by former Secretary of State John Kerry, commended the electoral process and said they’d seen no evidence of significant fraud. Congratulations poured in from around the world and Donald Trump praised the elections as fair and transparent.
But not everyone was happy. Raila Odinga, leader of the opposition National Super Alliance party, or NASA, declared the election a sham as soon as the results began coming in. On August 18, he submitted a petition asking Kenya’s Supreme Court to annul it and order a re-vote. The petition claims, among other things, that nearly half of all votes cast had been tampered with; that NASA’s agents, who were entitled by law to observe the voting and counting, had been thrown out of polling stations in Kenyatta strongholds; and that secret, unofficial polling stations had transmitted fake votes. The Supreme Court is expected to rule on September 1, but on August 29, the court registrar reported that some 5 million votes, enough to affect the outcome, were not verified.
Signs that something weird was going on emerged well before the election. A month earlier, Kenya’s electoral commission contracted Ghurair, a Dubai publishing firm, to print ballots. Newspaper reports linked the company to Kenyatta’s inner circle, and Kenyan courts ordered the electoral commission to use a different firm. The order was ignored, and the electoral commission issued a single-source contract to Ghurair anyway, citing time pressure. Then the accounting firm KPMG reported that more than a million dead people might still be registered as voters. NASA officials complained that Ghurair could print extra ballots to be used to create pro-Kenyatta ghost votes. Kerry dismissed these concerns, quipping after the election, “The people who voted were alive. I didn’t see any dead people walking around.”
Ten days before the election, the brutally tortured corpse of the electoral commission’s IT manager, Chris Msando, was discovered in some bushes outside Nairobi. CCTV footage shows his car roaming around the city for hours in the middle of the night before he died. Also in the car were two men and a woman, whose dead body was discovered beside Msanado’s, suggesting a “love triangle” explanation. Many Kenyans expressed skepticism. Msando managed the electronic system for transmitting results from polling stations, and he’d been complaining to the police of death threats for weeks. Kenya’s donors, including the EU’s ambassador to Kenya, praised the government for its commitment to investigating the murders, though many Kenyans suspected the police of being involved in them. But when the US and UK offered to help with the investigation, the police declined. Kerry warned the opposition not to politicize the killing.
A week before the election, a team of US and Canadian advisers who had been helping Odinga’s campaign set up a parallel system to verify the vote counting were arrested at gunpoint and deported. Then Odinga’s spokesman fled too, citing death threats. Then the NASA vote-counting office was ransacked. The Carter Center noted in its report that the raid had probably been carried out by Kenyan security personnel.
Election day brought more problems. According to Kenya’s electoral laws, representatives from all political parties are permitted to witness the voting and the counting of ballots in polling stations after polls close. Each representative then signs a form known as 34A, certifying the count, and receives a carbon copy. The new $24 million system was supposed to enable scans of the 34A forms to be sent to the electoral commission and posted online immediately, so they could be double checked by all parties and the public. But that system broke down at polling stations all across the country, so only the numbers were sent to Nairobi, often not by the new system but by text message. NASA officials pointed out that these numbers could have been changed en route and noted various suspicious findings in the unofficial early returns, including 100 percent voter turnout at some polling stations—with all votes for Kenyatta; a consistent 11 percent spread between Odinga and Kenyatta during the vote counting—a virtual statistical impossibility; and a phenomenon known as “unvoting,” in which the totals for some candidates actually fell as more votes came in. In his remarks on behalf of the Carter Center, Kerry admitted that there had been some “little aberrations here and there,” but none that “we thus far feel affected the overall integrity of the process.”
Electoral commission officials were supposed to deliver their 34A copies to one of 290 constituency-level centers, where the totals would be recorded on forms known as 34Bs. Copies of all 34As and 34Bs were then supposed to be delivered physically to the national tally center in Nairobi, where they were to be put online—if they had not been already. But almost none were actually online on the day Kenyatta was declared the winner.
Shortly before departing Kenya, John Kerry praised the electoral commission for having done an “extraordinary job to ensure that Kenya has a free, fair and credible poll.” He then urged the opposition to “get over it and move on.”
Thomas Mukoya/Reuters
The Kenyan Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) preparing to announce election results, Nairobi, Kenya, August 11, 2017
People who have witnessed election fraud in other African countries have told me that it’s normally done by making small changes to large numbers of tallies and this appears to have happened in Kenya, where there were over 40,000 polling stations. After NASA submitted its petition, a team of American experts led by University of Michigan Professor of Statistics and Political Science Walter Mebane volunteered to conduct a forensic analysis of the results. Results that have been tampered with show patterns and Mebane’s computer program identified over half a million fraudulent votes in this manner—almost certainly an underestimate of the true number.
According to Mebane, the paper forms provide the true test of the integrity of the election. The Supreme Court’s registrar assembled a team of experts to physically examine the 34A and B forms that the electoral commission claimed to have used to arrive at the final results. According to their analysis, nearly a third of the forms have irregularities: some are blank, some are signed in the same handwriting, some come from polling stations that didn’t officially exist, some show results that differed from the totals on the copies of the form in NASA’s possession and from the totals announced by the electoral commission, and thousands lack official stamps, signatures, and watermarks. When the Supreme Court-appointed team examined the logs of the electoral commission’s server, it found that numerous unauthorized users had entered the system before and after the election, that the electoral commission chairman had uploaded and removed 34A forms, and that some polling center results had been added before the election had actually occurred.
Despite the growing evidence that the election was a fraud, Kenya’s notoriously corrupt judiciary may dismiss the case. When Odinga disputed Kenyatta’s victory after a similarly flawed election in 2013, the justices ruled that the election should stand, even though results from much of the country are not available even now, and probably never will be.
Another rigged election in Africa is not news. But that US election observers were so quick to endorse it is shocking. Perhaps they believed that wrapping the election up quickly would prevent violence. After Kenya’s 2007 election, which most observers have since concluded was rigged against Odinga, some of his supporters went on a looting and killing spree in ruling-party strongholds. Gangs backed by ruling-party officials fought back and the ensuing mayhem left more than a thousand people dead, caused hundreds of thousands to flee their homes, and nearly shut down the economy of much of eastern Africa, which relies on transport from the Kenyan coast. Members of Odinga’s coalition were quoted making ethnically charged statements, but it was Kenyatta and his current deputy, William Ruto—who was then allied with Odinga, but has since switched sides—who were charged by the International Criminal Court with crimes against humanity for organizing and supporting the violent gangs. (The cases against them collapsed after witnesses were intimidated or died under mysterious circumstances.)
If the observers think urging Odinga to “move on” will avoid a rerun of 2007, they are likely mistaken. The Bush White House’s rush to congratulate Odinga’s rival, Mwai Kibaki, after the rigged 2007 election helped fuel the violence that followed.
A far more troubling possibility is that the US wants Kenyatta to remain in power, at the expense of democracy. Kenya lies in one of the most volatile regions of the world. Its neighbor Somalia has been a war zone for a decade; conflict in South Sudan has sent more than two million refugees scrambling to neighboring countries, including Kenya, since 2013. Two of Kenya’s other neighbors, Uganda and Ethiopia, are ruled by US-backed autocrats who have instigated or worsened these conflicts. Ethiopia’s US-assisted invasion of Somalia in 2006 set off the mayhem there, promoting the rise of the Islamist terrorist group Al-Shabaab. In 2014, Uganda entered the South Sudan civil war on the government’s side. Humanitarian organizations called for an arms embargo, which would have made Uganda’s involvement illegal. The UN Security Council, including Russia and China, seemed open to an embargo, but the Obama did not pursue it.
Kenyatta, a drowsy-looking bon vivant and the son of Jomo Kenyatta, Kenya’s first post-independence president, is supported by a powerful network of Kenyan politicians and businessmen, mostly of Kikuyu ethnicity, who have been looting the country for decades. He has aligned Kenya with US policy by, for example, deploying Kenyan forces in AMISOM, the US- and UK-supported African Union peacekeeping mission in Somalia.
Odinga, a taciturn, ambitious seventy-two-year-old of Luo ethnicity, whose father was Jomo Kenyatta’s post-independence vice-president and later his rival, has long nursed a grudge against Kenyatta’s Kikuyu elite. He spent ten years in jail for participating in a failed coup against Jomo Kenyatta’s hand-picked successor, Daniel Arap Moi, in 1982 and he fought vigorously for Kenya’s progressive 2010 Constitution which weakened Kenya’s formerly all- powerful presidency and made local officials more accountable to their people. Odinga has pledged to deliver a plan to withdraw Kenya’s troops from Somalia in the first ninety days of his presidency. NASA officials point out that the AMISOM deployment has provoked terrorist attacks on a Nairobi shopping mall and a university, killing hundreds and devastating Kenya’s tourist industry. Odinga is also close to South Sudan’s beleaguered opposition, and might help force the US-backed government into negotiations. This is something the Obama administration seems not to have wanted, and the Trump administration seems not to either.
Thomas Mukoya/TPX/Reuters
Opposition leader Raila Odinga greeting supporters, Nairobi, Kenya, August 13, 2017
When I asked a member of the Carter Center delegation why his team was so confident about Kenyatta’s victory, he sent me a six-page report by a US-funded Kenyan NGO called the Election Observer Group. It describes a “verification” survey of the presidential results from 1,703 randomly selected polling stations around the country. According to the report, the survey predicted the electoral commission’s final results to within 0.3 percentage points for all eight candidates, including very minor ones who’d received only a few thousand votes.
It was obvious at once that something wasn’t right with this report. The NGO’s projected results were suspiciously accurate and the authors neglected to describe their sampling strategy. The sampling strategy is crucial—after all, voter preferences are not randomly spread around the country but clustered, with Kenyatta’s supporters in some regions and Odinga’s in others. A spokesman for the NGO told me that the survey was carefully stratified, but after carrying out a similar “verification” study during Kenya’s 2013 election, the same NGO declined requests to share its methodology until months after the contested vote, and when it did, several polling stations in the planned sample were reportedly missing.
A statistician friend who looked over the report for me put it this way: “Working backwards, from a known… or desired… election outcome, even I would know how to choose 1,700 polling stations to make results work. You would simply toss into the hopper Kikuyu area polling stations or remove Luo stations as needed.” Kikuyus tend to support Kenyatta; Luos, Odinga.
The Carter Center official was sanguine: “This [report] makes it highly unlikely that a large scale systematic manipulation—digital or manual—occurred during tabulation,” he wrote me. “Any significant discrepancies would have been discovered in the parallel count.”
But the study he was touting seemed to me like a piece of fake news—a flood of which had poured into Kenya around the election, virtually all pro-Kenyatta and/or anti-Odinga. Reports that Odinga had killed white farmers and that American think tanks believed Kenyatta would win appeared on newly created, convincing-looking blogs like “Foreign Policy Journal” and on mock-ups resembling Kenya’s largest daily, The Nation. While cooked-up stories about celebrities and UFOs are common in Africa, partisan fake news like this is not.
Days before the election, an official-looking document—that may or may not be genuine—was leaked to an opposition member of parliament. It described plans to deploy “regime friendly” soldiers to two of Nairobi’s largest slums, both packed with Odinga supporters. In case the people rose up after the results were announced, these men were to cut off the water and electricity supplies and block access to the city center.
A few days after the election, an obviously fake “Embassy cable” began circulating on Whatsapp, complete with US government heading and transmission codes. The unsigned author, addressing his or herself to the “Secretary of State,” predicted that if Odinga won the election, his tribesmen would be so happy they’d go on a rampage for months, looting and pillaging and destabilizing eastern Africa. While the predictions in the document are absurd, they reflect what many Kenyans probably think Americans think of them, and seemed designed to demoralize those Kenyans who have long suspected a US hand in the rigging of their elections.
Last spring, Kenyatta’s party hired, for a reported $6 million, the data research firm Cambridge Analytica, which helped elect Donald Trump and sway Britain’s Brexit vote. Cambridge Analytica’s parent company is Strategic Communications Limited, which is now working for the State Department. Articles in Slate and Politico suggest that SCL has in the past engaged in disinformation campaigns to sway elections in developing countries. The company denies this.
The most disturbing article concerning the Kenyan election appeared on the New York Times editorial page two days after the results were announced. Entitled “The Real Suspense in Kenya,” the editorial claimed that election observers had “witnessed no foul play,” even though the Carter Center’s report, in contrast to the observer’s public statements, mentions Msando’s killing, the NASA office raid, and the problems with the transmission of results.
The editorial also accused Odinga of “fann[ing] the embers of ethnic strife,” when he’d actually urged his supporters to remain calm. NASA considered organizing a nonviolent protest—permitted under Kenyan law—but deemed it too dangerous. There was spontaneous protesting and some sporadic looting in Odinga strongholds after Kenyatta’s victory was announced, but according to human rights groups, there is no evidence that this was organized, or that Odinga or NASA had anything to do with it. As the Times editors should have known, there was election-related violence, but virtually all of it was carried out by government security forces. For days after the results were announced, special police units cracked down mercilessly, killing at least twenty-four people in Odinga strongholds. The police claimed the victims were criminals or inciting violence, but this is doubtful. In the lakeside city of Kisumu, police went house to house, hurling teargas and beating and shooting people. Some victims were dragged out of bed and killed. At least ten deaths have been so far documented in this city alone, and more than a hundred others were beaten or suffered gunshot wounds. Among the dead are a nine-year-old girl shot by a stray bullet in Nairobi while playing on her balcony and a six-month-old beaten to death, in her own house, while in her mother’s arms. After Kisumu Governor Peter Anyang Nyong’o told reporters that fishermen had discovered five corpses in body bags floating in Lake Victoria, at least one of which had bullet wounds, the police claimed they were all drowning victims.
The Times editorial also failed to mention that reporters covering the police abuses have been beaten and arrested and that two highly respected Kenyan NGOs investigating them were closed down and raided by the police. A similarly misleading editorial appeared in The Washington Post on the day the election results appeared.
The US government has a disturbing history of meddling in the politics of developing countries; during the cold war, it also influenced some of our most prominent editors and journalists to downplay human rights abuses committed by its undemocratic allies. In countries like Kenya, where important US interests are at stake, the onslaught of mass-media distortions, and biased international election observers and Western-backed NGOs, suggest the possibility of concerted strategy. As the Chinese general Sun Tzu put it in his famous book The Art of War, “To subdue the enemy without fighting is the acme of skill.” But to do that, you need to make him feel he has already lost.
Judge Ibrahim on the bench on August 28, 2017. He has been taken ill. PHOTO | JEFF ANGOTE | NATION MEDIA GROUP By JOHN NGIRACHU More by this Author
Supreme Court Judge Mohammed Ibrahim has been taken ill as election petition continues.
Chief Justice David Maraga on Tuesday said Justice Ibrahim was being attended to by a doctor.
The judge is on the seven-judge bench of the top court in the land hearing the petition filed by National Super Alliance leader Raila Odinga challenging President Kenyatta’s win in the August 8 General Election.
The judge is likely to miss the Tuesday sessions on the case, where President Kenyatta's lawyers are expected to defend his victory and ask the court to validate it.
President Kenyatta’s legal team— comprising lawyers Fred Ngatia, Ahmednasir Abdullahi and Ken Ogeto— will have three hours to argue for the dismissal of Mr Odinga's case.
Once they conclude, the Law Society of Kenya (LSK) and the Attorney-General Githu Muigai will have 20 minutes each to argue on points of law.
1.341 users accessed the system between 6th August 2017 to 22nd August 2017
2. There were 3395 failed log in attempts and 3851 successful log in attempts within the same period
3. Strangers and unauthorized staffs logged into the system between 8th-22nd August 2017 aash003@gmail.com, bernwafukho@gmail.com carles.garcia@scytl.com abir.chaari@groupe-telnet.net etc
4. Chebukati's account was used to transfer, modify and delete files including form 34As.
5. Chebukati's account had 9934 transactions logs within the same period.
6. Chebukati's account used an IP address that was not part of IEBC Partners address.
7. Chebukati's account uploaded form 34B from Jomvu constituency
8. On 9th August 2017 Chebukati's account downloaded, re-uploaded and deleted form 34B from Bureti Constituency.
9. On 13th August 2017 Chebukati's account transfered folder for Kisumu central constituency.
There were cases of use of non partner IP addresses eg wananchi and liquid telcom 41.60.238.138
Forms 34A and 34Bs were posted by Constituency Elections Coordinators (CEC) at constituency level instead of from polling stations during and after the election.
There is no trace of data originating from any polling station. This raises questions whether data on the server came from the polling station.
Some constituencies have no trace of any Form 34B uploaded on to the server.
In other constituencies Form 34B were uploaded more than once.
There were several instances of uploading files and retrieving them by various users.
Only 277 users accessed the FTP server between August 6th 2017 and 17 August 2017 yet data was supposed to be uploaded from each polling station.
There are instances of one user using multiple IP addresses to access the FTP server. Eg Jlimaris@iebc.or.ke used 10 different IP addresses contrary to the static IP address allocation for the KIEMS Kits and the access control policy.
There were renamed or modified forms in various constituencies as seen from the FTP Server logs provided by IEBC
Constituency Elections Coordinators (CEC) made various modifications multiple times eg: vkimelil@iebc.or.ke from sotik in bomet county was able to install software applications on 09th august 2017 among other interventions
The CEC for Kibwezi East fwaitah@iebc.or.ke uploaded the same form 34B more than once at different times.
nmaftah@iebc.or.ke made modifications on Jomvu Form 34B
asenge@iebc.or.ke deleted form 34B from changamwe constituency
Some accounts granted were misused to carry out unauthorized and malicious activities.
There were a total of 8300 delete commands. 7954 delete commands were successfully executed between 8th August 2017 at 2232hrs and 17th August 2017 at 1319hrs.
File Formats Different file formats were uploaded on to the FTP server which shows there no input controls.
Some files were in editable formats such as EXCEL AND WORD DOCUMENTS. (The Statutory Forms came in hard copy already printed therefore the system should not have had editable file formats)
Mismatched user privileges. One user vkimelil@iebc.or.ke is a CEC from sotik bomet was not a privileged user to install software application on a IEMS. No controls.
On the 8th of August there was no traffic on the firewall. Traffic started flowing from the 12th August 2017 at 2.44 CEST (-1GMT)
The amount of data in terabytes per second was the same for both incoming and outgoing traffic into the server.
