Monday, 25 May 2015

Women are buying more sex than ever before, new research claims

Women are buying more sex than ever before, according to new research.
The initial findings, part of research project ‘Women Who Buy Sexual Services in the UK’, found that women who pay for sex come from all ages, backgrounds and it appears that one of the main reason for the transaction is they lack the time for a relationship.
Researchers at Lancaster University and Manchester Metropolitan University spoke to 21 escorts and are now seeking female customers to continue their study.
The study, led by Lancaster University’s Dr Sarah Kingston and Manchester Metropolitan University’s Dr Natalie Hammond, found that advertisement profiles of men rose from 5, 246 in 2010 to 15, 732 this year.
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Female profiles rose from 11,056 to 28,614 over the same period.
The pair hope that the study, jointly funded by the British Academy and The Leverhulme Trust, will challenge present policy on prostitution, as well as providing a needed insight into the women who purchase sex.
Dr Kingston said: “We have made some fascinating early findings, but we still have much work to do. We are seeking to explore motivations and experiences of women who book escorts; who and where they buy sex from and to explore how physical and sexual safety is negotiated.”

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Sunday, 17 May 2015

Saturday, May 16, 2015 Africog seeks non-compliance ruling against Kenya at ICC

By WALTER MENYA
More by this Author
Africog Executive Director Gladwell Otieno. FILE PHOTO 
Africog Executive Director Gladwell Otieno. FILE PHOTO |  NATION MEDIA GROUP

A civil society organisation at odds with the Jubilee administration has gone to the ICC accusing the Kenya Government of non co-operation with the court, which is pursuing justice over the 2007 post-election violence.
The Africa Centre for Open Governance wants the court to find that Kenya failed to fulfil its obligations as a State Party to the Rome Statute by frustrating investigations by ICC.
Africog was one of the parties that put up a spirited battle at the Supreme Court to have the presidential results of the last General Election cancelled.
They challenged the election of President Uhuru Kenyatta and Deputy President William Ruto over election irregularities. The Supreme Court, however, threw out the petition.
This time, they have taken their battle against Jubilee to the ICC.
They tell the Hague-based judges who have been handling cases of crimes against humanity against President Kenyatta and Mr Ruto that there have been multiple and sustained efforts by Kenyan authorities to frustrate investigations by the International Criminal Court.
The charges against President Kenyatta were terminated in March on the grounds that ICC Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda did not have sufficient evidence.
But the case against his deputy, who is accused alongside radio journalist Joshua Sang, is ongoing even though the prosecutor has also faced a number of challenges with some witnesses.
Africog executive director Gladwell Otieno says in a filing before the ICC Appeals Chamber that there are sufficient grounds to have the country declared non-compliant with the Rome Statute, a situation that would pave the way for referring Kenya to the Assembly of State Parties.
The epitome of these efforts was the government’s refusal to freeze any of President Uhuru Kenyatta’s assets in clear violation of Part 9 of the Rome Statute.
“Taken together, these actions by the Kenyan government appear to illustrate a general policy of unwillingness to co-operate with the ICC. The fervent efforts that the government of Kenya has undertaken to shield Mr Kenyatta from attending trial are difficult to reconcile with the Attorney General’s (Prof Githu Muigai) statements relating to co-operation,” Ms Otieno said in her submissions of May 8 after the ICC allowed Africog to make amicus curiae (friend of the court) filing in the appeal case by ICC Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda.
Ms Bensouda wants the ICC Appeals Chamber judges to declare Kenya non-compliant; a situation she claims led to the termination of President Kenyatta’s case.
According to Ms Otieno, Kenya’s reluctance to fully co-operate with the ICC started as early as 2011 soon after the summonses were issued against six individuals — Mr Kenyatta, Mr Ruto, former minister Henry Kosgey, former head of public service Francis Muthaura, former Commissioner of Police Hussein Ali and journalist Joshua Sang.
“One year after the issuance of summonses, the Kenya government challenged the ICC’s jurisdiction,” Ms Otieno stated.
In its submissions, she said, the government of Kenya had argued that “…with its house being put in order, Kenya is not allowed to finish the task and to investigate and try those at all levels, particularly those at the top of political, military and administrative hierarchies who merit being tried.”
“Four years later, it appears that the government’s ‘house is still not yet in order’ given that there has been no prosecution of high-to-mid level perpetrators of violence during the post-election violence,” said Africog.
Meanwhile, said Ms Otieno, in the 2013 General Election, then Deputy Prime Minister Kenyatta and Mr Ruto formed a coalition whose central campaign issue was the divisive ICC investigations.
“Although the alliance between Mr Kenyatta and Mr Ruto is portrayed as an example of inter-tribal reconciliation, the reality is quite different. Rather than a thoroughgoing, inclusive process of reconciliation, this seemed to represent an elite pact between individuals who faced the same predicament,” she said.
“…Mr Kenyatta also managed to inflame his supporters’ enmity to the ICC and to transform the election into a referendum on the ICC,” she added.

Friday, 15 May 2015

Best Foods For Colon Cleansing

Colon-Cleanse
One of society’s biggest problems right now is of the gastrointestinal variety. There are many causes to the vast amount of these problems, but it is mainly due to people’s lack of watching what they put into their bodies. Other causes could be medicines, treatments, and outside chemicals that we are introduced to.
A simple change in diet and lifestyle can help you get back on the right track.
A great way to start the lifestyle change is colon cleansing. Colon cleansing helps clean out toxins that have been built up in your body, and it turns out, it decreases your chance of colon cancer. Cleaning out your colon has been said to improve your strength, and it definitely improves your health.When enough fiber is not consumed, your meals will back up into your colon. Empty, the colon only weighs four pounds, and it can actually hold up to eight meals. As soon as you start cleansing your colon, you should see weight loss because of the metabolism boost. There have been reports of people losing up to twenty pounds in a month, just from colon cleansing.
Foods that are consumed without much fiber leave you feeling full, and the food moves through the digestive system very slowly. The more fiber-lacking foods that you eat, the more the fecal matter that weighs down the intestines.
A cleansed colon allows good nutrients and vitamins that your body needs to be put into your body. Constipation can be put to an end with colon cleansing. Constipation can even cause weight gain, various illnesses, and it can cause toxins to be leaked into your body.
Acid-forming foods are dangerous because they can cause the colon to become inflamed. When the colon is inflamed, it cannot function as normal and slows down production. The body’s pH will become off-balance if feces, bacteria, yeasts, molds, or fungus get into the bloodstream. Even though it is not often thought about, keeping our body’s pH in balance is very important. Lack of pH balance can result in various conditions, such as, but are not limited to osteoporosis, thyroid problems, high blood pressure, sarcopenia, diabetes, kidney stones, and cancer. Lower muscle mass and weaker bones are also results of the body becoming too acidic.
The toxins that you put into your body end up being processed by your liver and your gastrointestinal system. If they are not cleaned out quickly enough, they can cause a lot of health problems. Polyps and cysts will form in your colon if the body does not get cleaned out.
If your body does not get the proper nutrition and vitamins it needs, it can actually cause poor concentration. Your mind can get distracted and not be able to focus if the colon is backed up. With build-up in the colon, it blocks the body’s functioning. A detox diet for cleansing the colon can make you feel more alert and active.
Healthy food choices and colon cleansing can do wonders for your health. It can increase your ability to reproduce. A lot of naturopathic doctors recommend colon cleansing for both the male and the female before attempting reproduction.
There are many foods that help to cleanse the colon. Organic fruits and vegetables, and, of course, fiber-rich foods are at the top of the list for cleansing. Fiber and staying hydrated are two key factors in cleansing your body and your colon. It is highly recommended that you stay away from processed and fried foods. Eating those types of foods comes with a vast amount of toxins and fats that just stick to your digestive system walls. If you do still eat processed foods, it is best to offset it with fermented foods, such as Greek yogurt, sauerkraut, and kimchi.
Dark leafy greens, like kale, Brussels sprouts, cabbage, celery, leeks, peas, spinach, asparagus, and seaweed are high in chlorophyll. The chlorophyll from these leafy greens will stick to the lining of the intestine and blocks bacterial growth, and it helps to repair the mucus lining of your gastrointestinal tract. The liver needs chlorophyll to get detoxified. These leafy greens are also known as cruciferous vegetables. Not only do they cleanse, they help tremendously with digestion. Even if you are not participating in an actual body cleanse, eating cruciferous vegetables can basically cancel out the bad diet decisions.
Garlic is not only a great addition to foods, but it is also a great colon-cleansing spice. This herb has antibacterial properties that help to remove those pesky toxins. Eating garlic reduces inflammation, which results in easy digestion for your body.
Aloe Vera juice is another thing that reduces inflammation. When it is used correctly, it is a great addition to a healthy lifestyle. You should ask your doctor before ingesting this, though, and make sure the product is for internal use. Aloe Vera juice benefits not only your colon, but your immune system and heart too.
Many colon cleansing diets include various forms of apples. They are rich in fiber and pectin. Apple sauce, apple cider vinegar, apples, and apple sauce can be eaten to cleanse your body and strengthen the intestinal walls. Pectin is also found in the rinds of citrus fruits and bananas.
More anti-inflammatory options are flax and chia seeds. They are a great addition to foods that help with digestion. Chia seeds have very few calories, and loads of nutrients. They are a whole-grain food that is naturally gluten-free. Flax seeds carry a lot of fibers; both insoluble and soluble. Both the chia and flax seeds have plenty of Omega-3 fatty acids. Omega-3 fatty acids are a “good” kind of fat. The seeds can reduce risks of certain cancers, lung disease, and cardiovascular disease.
Whole grains, such as pasta, flour, and bread, have a lot of fibers. They have vitamins, minerals, and complex carbohydrates. They are pretty low in fat. Whole grains have also been linked to lowered risks of diseases and cancers. They play a key role in better digestion and colon cleansing.
Beans, lentils, and legumes are a very important part of your colon cleanse diet. They will boost your fiber intake by a lot just by eating as little as eight to eleven grams. B vitamins, magnesium, potassium, proteins, iron, and calcium are also found in beans and legumes. These resistant starch foods prevent future toxins from entering your body and clean the existing toxins out. Keeping the toxins out of your body will make it that much easier to fight diseases.
Green tea contains bioactive compounds that improve overall health. It has a lot of antioxidants in it, which helps to prevent diseases, and keep your body clean. It has minerals and fluoride too, which are also wonderful for your health. Not only can green tea cleanse your body, it can also improve your brain function. Green tea also improves physical performance and boosts metabolism.
Fruit, of course, needs to be a major part of everyone’s diet, cleanse or not. Eating plenty of fruits will keep you hydrated and give you plenty of fibers, so the colon can be properly cleansed.
Lemons and other citrus fruits, even in small doses, improves your health. A glass of lemon water can help jump start the cleansing of the colon and even weight loss. In fact, half a cup of lemon juice every day can prevent kidney stones. Digestion will be made easier with lemons too. A mixture of lemon juice and flax seeds can eliminate waste more quickly from your body.
Avocado is another food that is high in omega-3 fatty acid. It is high in healthy fats and is beneficial to your health. Avocado has oils in it that prevent toxins from sticking to intestinal walls by lubricating them. With the walls being lubricated, the system cleans out toxins and harmful bacteria easier.
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Friday, May 15, 2015 Burundi coup leaders arrested after General Niyombare admits failure

Burundi's President Pierre Nkurunziza (right) 
Burundi's President Pierre Nkurunziza (right) is said to have returned home after coup leaders led by General Godefroid Niyombare (left) admitted the overthrow bid had failed. AFP PHOTOS

BUJUMBURA
An attempt to overthrow Burundian President Pierre Nkurunziza ended in failure on Friday as coup leaders admitted defeat and were arrested or hunted down by loyalist troops.
General Godefroid Niyombare, who launched the coup in the central African nation earlier in the week, told AFP by telephone that he wanted to give himself up, and said soldiers supporting the president were approaching him.
"We have decided to surrender," he said. "I hope they won't kill us."
It was not immediately clear if he was arrested or killed.
The coup leaders' spokesman, Venon Ndabaneze, was also speaking to AFP confirming that the putschists had decided to surrender when loyalist troops arrested him, deputy coup leader Cyrille Ndayirukiye and another senior figure among the mutineers.
"We decided to give ourselves up. We have laid down our arms. We have called the security ministry to tell them we no longer have any arms," Ndabaneze said, seconds before he could be heard being arrested.
DETAINED
AFP remained on the line as the leaders were detained.
The dramatic end to the coup attempt came shortly after the presidency announced that Nkurunziza — who was abroad when the coup was declared — had returned to the country.
He is reported to haves returned to Bujumbura and will address the nation on Friday, officials in the president's office said.
"He is in Bujumbura in a very secure place," an aide to the president told AFP.
He was in neighbouring Tanzania for regional talks Wednesday when Niyombare launched the coup, in a culmination of weeks of violent street protests against the president's bid to seek a third term.
Another coup leader, General Cyrille Ndayirukiye, said the rebels had been "faced with an overpowering military determination to support the system in power".
The coup attempt had raised fears of a return to widespread violence in the impoverished country, which is still recovering from a 13-year civil war that ended in 2006 and left hundreds of thousands dead.
On Thursday, loyalist troops fought off two major attacks by rival soldiers in an intense battle for control over the strategically important state broadcaster.
The fight for RTNB, the state radio and television broadcaster, was seen as crucial to control the flow of information as Burundi's main private radio stations and the largest independent television channel were no longer broadcasting.
The influential African Public Radio station was even set ablaze after being hit by a rocket.
A senior police official said the pro-coup troops were "in disarray" after their assault on the RTNB state television and radio complex in the capital was repelled.
LOYALIST SOLDIERS
The bodies of three soldiers were seen by an AFP journalist lying in the street near the scene of the clashes.
By mid-afternoon, station director Jerome Nzokirantevye said it was "loyalist soldiers who are in control".
Wednesday's coup announcement drew international criticism, with the United States insisting that Nkurunziza remained "the legitimate president" — even if it has also been firmly critical of his bid to stay in power.
The United Nations Security Council, in emergency talks on the crisis, called for an end to the violence and "the holding of credible elections" while separately, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon condemned "attempts to oust elected governments by military force" and urged calm.
Opposition and rights groups insist that it is unconstitutional for Nkurunziza, who has been in office since 2005, to run for more than two terms.
The president, however, argues his first term did not count as he was elected by parliament, not directly by the people.
Nkurunziza, a former rebel leader from the Hutu majority and born-again Christian, also believes he ascended to the presidency with divine backing.
More than 25 people have been killed and scores wounded since late April, when Burundi's ruling CNDD-FDD party — which has been accused of intimidating the opposition and arming its own militia — nominated Nkurunziza to stand for re-election in June 26 polls.
It remains unclear, however, how many have died since the launch of the coup.
More than 50,000 Burundians have fled the violence to neighbouring nations in recent weeks, with the UN preparing for thousands more refugees.
In his message announcing the coup, Niyombare signalled he did not want to take power himself, vowing instead to work for "the resumption of the electoral process in a peaceful and fair environment".
Niyombare is a highly respected figure who was sacked from his intelligence post in February after he opposed Nkurunziza's attempt to prolong his 10-year rule.
Asked to decide on the issue of a third term, Burundi's constitutional court found in the president's favour, but not before one of the judges fled the country claiming its members were subject to death threats.

Thursday, 14 May 2015

HOW TO NEGOTIATE BETTER SALARY DURING AN INTERVIEW

Peninah Mumbi had just secured a job interview at a Nairobi-based telecommunications company in March 2014.
The post, IT officer, would have been her second job after graduating with a diploma in Information Technology in 2009. And although the firm was offering Sh60,000 salary, Ms Mumbi, 34, was asking for a minimum of Sh80,000.
“I was convinced this was the salary I needed to accommodate my lifestyle in Nairobi,” she says. During the negotiations, she was asked why she needed a salary higher by Sh20,000. “I simply told the interviewer that it was what would be rightfully due to me. It was what I needed,” she confides.
Despite her former employer recommending her for the new post, she was not hired. “I was not asked to wait for a feedback. Instead, the potential employer termed my salary demand as greedy,” she says.
Granted, many job seekers often find themselves in similar circumstances. In any case, many interviewees do not know how to pitch their case for new and better pay, and those who do often find themselves walking in Ms Mumbi’s shoes.
According to Perminus Wainaina, the managing director of recruiting firm, Corporate Staffing, it is easy to come out as money-oriented rather than skills-oriented during salary negotiations. “If you ask for too much (salary), and remain adamant about it, your employer will be left wondering if you are coming in to deliver or to milk the company,” he says.
HOW TO NEGOTIATE
According to Mr Wainaina, framing your pitch starts long before you meet your potential employer.
“You must begin by understanding the industry, the size and position of the firm you’re engaging with. For instance, if you are an accountant, you cannot pitch for the same salary at an SME looking to hire an accountant as you would a multinational looking to hire an accountant,” he says.
Further, Forbes notes that you should not start to ask for higher pay once you get the actual offer. “When you get the actual offer, you’re in no emotional shape to negotiate. All that your mind has is the new offer, which you want to lock up.”
Although potential employees fear that their prospective employer will rescind the decision to hire them if they ask for a higher pay, Forbes adds that this doesn’t happen 99 per cent of the time.
“Ask for some time to settle without showing signs of withdrawal, doubt, disinterest or disrespect. Then use this time to research on how the company pays. This should help you come up with a more realistic figure as well as help you respond to questions on why your salary should be higher than someone else’s.” In the same vein, you will come across as better prepared.
Mr Wainaina agrees, adding that after grasping the scope of the firm, the key to unlocking a bigger pay will be in how you expound on your skills.
“You must prove that what you are going to bring the firm is value addition and nothing else. If you are an accountant and you’re well acquainted with Kenya Revenue Authority, you may consider elaborating on how you can bring your experience on board to align the firm’s books with KRA’s policy more smoothly and cost-effectively,” says Mr Wainaina. For instance, if you are a receptionist, you can show how you are able to market the company.
From experience, Mr Wainaina observes that an employer will hardly reject you just because you requested an additional Sh10,000 on your stated salary.
DELICATE BALANCE
Nevertheless, negotiating for a better pay is a delicate balancing act. “If the employer is offering Sh100,000 and you demand Sh120,000 without explanation on what you’re bringing to the table, your potential employer will most likely flee thinking you’re greedy!” cautions Mr Wainaina.
Quintessential Careers, an online job-seekers’ portal, echoes Mr Wainaina’s sentiments: “The most common error people make is focusing on need or greed rather than value. You’ll be seen as greedy or needy if you focus solely on what you feel you need or deserve rather than your value and the value you’re bringing.”
According to James Njenga, a financial coach based in Nairobi, you will do well to approach a pay negotiation using a competitive strategy.
“Generally, people who use a competitive strategy by identifying their goals early on and having the spine to try and push for them get significantly higher salaries than those who sit back and compromise on their pay plan.”
He adds that you shouldn’t be afraid of articulating your pay concerns during the negotiations. State them clearly and at once. Quintessential Careers notes that you should be careful not to reveal to your employer what you would accept.
“Some employers will ask for a salary history or salary requirement. Others will ask during a preliminary interview or on the job advert what salary you’ll be expecting. But realise that the earlier you divulge this information, the less room you’ll have to ask for a better pay when the actual offer is put on the table.”
This is the mistake that Lawrence Musyoka made. “My employer had advertised for a vacancy in the accounts department. He had stated that I needed to state my current pay and what I expected to earn. I stated my net pay of Sh45,000 and an expectation of Sh70,000 net pay,” he says, adding that his employer took him to task on why his pay ought to be nearly doubled.
“I had little space to negotiate and since I needed the job, I accepted the Sh48,000 he offered.”
CAREER PLAN
Alarmingly, the hardest hit in the search for better pay are the fresh university and college graduates. Previously, the Federation of Kenya Employers has lamented about a skills gap among college leavers seeking jobs.
Candidates seeking high pay at the entry level are likely to get raw deals, says Mr Wainaina. “College leavers have nothing to prove. They are just stepping into the market and will inevitably be viewed by the employer with a lot of scepticism,” he says. “Their only stronghold is in how they demonstrate their ability to adapt, learn and build a portfolio.”
Strikingly, there are some workers, who get raw deals after leaving previously high-paying jobs.
An employee will only receive a poor pay at another company if she or he does not have a career plan, notes Mr Wainaina.
“Many of our current professionals have no career plan. In many cases, this proves to be the weak link when moving from one company to another and subsequently when negotiating for a pay,” he observes. 
Negotiating for a better pay is  a delicate balancing act. However, whereas experienced workers have skills to prove, fresh graduates face an uphill task.
Job recruitment expert Perminus Wainaina says entry level candidates seeking a high pay are likely to get a raw deal.
“College leavers have nothing to prove. They are just stepping into the market and will inevitably be viewed by the employer with a lot of scepticism,” he says. “Their only stronghold is in how they demonstrate their ability to adapt, learn and build a portfolio.”       

Wednesday, 13 May 2015

RAILA ODINGA STATEMENT ON DEVELOPMENT IN BURUNDI 3rd May 2015


The latest developments in Burundi, in which the military announced the “dismissal” of the President, are unfortunate and regrettable although they have not come as a surprise, given the events of recent months.
With this move, Burundi has lost an historic opportunity to strengthen its democracy by establishing a tradition of peaceful transfer of power. The East Africa Community and the African Union have also failed to demonstrate that they are in tune with the changing times on the Continent, in which the people are not willing to be taken back to the old order in which constitutions counted for nothing.
However, acquisition of power by means other than democratic elections should no longer have any place in Africa. Military intervention, even if caused by a leadership adamant on overthrowing the constitution, will not solve the problems of Burundi and may only worsen the situation.
Given Burundi’s history of ethnic divisions, it is likely that the military intervention will widen the sectarian divide.
I expect the East Africa Community leaders meeting in Tanzania to come up with a clear road map for Burundi’s return to the path of constitutionalism and democratic elections, including a categorical statement that President Pierre Nkurunziza is not eligible to run.
The international community must support the right of the people of Burundi to peaceful pursuit of their democratic rights and freedomsb Authorities in Burundi and the region must ensure respect for the right of all peaceful political parties and their candidates to campaign, hold meetings and rallies, and express their views. They must also ensure respect of the right of the media to report freely on the electoral process and campaigns.
We must enforce an acceptance and respect of carrying out peaceful and credible elections in Burundi within the shortest time possible. The leaders of the region and the continent must recognize that times have changed.
THE RT. HON RAILA ODINGA, EGH.
CORD COALITION/ODM PARTY LEADER.
NAIROBI
MAY 13, 2015

Thursday, 7 May 2015

Basil Davidson obituary

Basil Davidson
 Davidson found himself listed as a ‘prohibited immigrant’ in some white-ruled African countries. Photograph: Augusta Conchiglia 

Radical journalist and historian who charted the death throes of colonialism in Africa. Basil Davidson, who has died aged 95, was a radical journalist in the great anti-imperial tradition, and became a distinguished historian of pre-colonial Africa. An energetic and charismatic figure, he was dropped behind enemy lines during the second world war and joined that legendary band of British soldiers who fought with the partisans in Yugoslavia and in Italy. Years later, he was the first reporter to travel with the guerrillas fighting the Portuguese in Angola and Guinea-Bissau, and brought their struggle to the world's attention.
For many years he was at the centre of the campaigns for Africa's liberation from colonialism and apartheid, endlessly addressing meetings and working on committees. Extremely tall and with a shock of white hair, and possessing the old-fashioned courtesy of the ex-army officer that he was – or even of the country gentleman that he eventually became after his move to the West Country – he was an unlikely figure at many of these often incoherent and sometimes sectarian events, usually run by student activists and exiles.
Among his friends were the historians Thomas Hodgkin, EP Thompson and Eric Hobsbawm. The Palestinian scholar Edward Said placed him in a select band of western artists and intellectuals with a sympathy and comprehension of foreign cultures that meant that they had "in effect, crossed to the other side".
Born in Bristol, Davidson left school at 16, determined to become a writer, though he first made his living by pasting advertisements for bananas on shop windows in the north of England. Moving to London, he found his way into journalism, working for the Economist and then as the diplomatic correspondent of the Star, a now defunct London evening paper.
In the late 1930s he travelled widely in Italy and in central Europe, and his familiarity with its geography and his capacity to learn its languages made him an obvious candidate, when the war broke out, for the Special Operations Executive – seeking to undermine the Nazi regime from within. His self-reliance, and lack of interest in received wisdom, soon marked him out. When sent out to Budapest, to stimulate the resistance forces in Hungary, he crossed swords with the British ambassador, who ordered him to stop storing plastic explosives in the embassy cellar.
In Cairo, he worked on plans to drop agents into Yugoslavia, first to the royalists and then, after much internal argument, to Tito's communist guerrillas. Davidson was eventually parachuted into Yugoslavia himself, to join the communists in the uncompromising territory of the Vojvodina, the plain of the Danube valley across from Hungary. There, his exceptional physical strength and bravery were tested to the utmost.
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When he returned to Yugoslavia at the end of the war, his companion on the visit, Kingsley Martin, editor of the New Statesman, recorded how "as we entered the villages, people would run out crying 'Nicola, Nicola!' (Davidson's partisan name) and, after kissing him on the cheek, carry us both into their houses, where it was hard without offence to avoid getting drunk on Slivovitza."
Davidson fought in Yugoslavia from August 1943 to November 1944, then transferred to the Ligurian hills of northern Italy. He and his partisan band seized Genoa before the arrival of American or British forces.
The war years marked him for ever. He fell in love with the comradeship, the trust and the spiritual force of endurance in the service of an ideal that he found with the guerrilla fighters. The lessons he learned about the muddle of war were important for his later work in Africa. In Angola and Guinea-Bissau in the early 1970s, and in Eritrea almost 20 years later, he found those same life forces and loved them. The subjective nature of his response to this history in the making, to deep friendships made and lost, made very painful the eventual unravelling of so much that he believed in.
The political lessons were less personally rewarding, since his willingness to collaborate with communists in battle would lead him in later life to be labelled by the Foreign Office as a dangerous "fellow traveller". Davidson had never been attracted to Marxism, but his wartime experiences with Communist partisans coloured his general attitude towards the cold war struggle, first in Europe and later in Africa. If communists were prepared to fight against the Nazis, or later against South African apartheid and Portuguese colonialism, that caused him no problems.
At the end of the war, a lieutenant-colonel awarded the Military Cross and twice mentioned in dispatches, he turned again to journalism, working first for the Times as one of its correspondents in Paris and then as chief foreign leader writer in London. Out of tune at the Times, and especially unhappy with the western intervention that crushed the communist partisans in Greece, he left in 1949 to work for three years as the secretary of the Union of Democratic Control (UDC), the campaigning foreign affairs organisation set up by ED Morel during the first world war.
At the same time he joined the staff of the New Statesman, where he was soon viewed as Martin's heir apparent. It was not to be. At both the UDC and the New Statesman, he earned the undying hatred of Dorothy Woodman, Martin's companion, and was accused of being a fellow traveller – "or worse". Unable to return as a journalist to the Balkans, because of the cold war, he was taken by chance to Africa, and the continent soon caught his imagination, never to let go. Then, through an invitation from a group of South African trade unionists, he met Nelson Mandela, Oliver Tambo and other leaders of the African National Congress, about to launch its campaign of defiance against the apartheid laws of the Nationalist government.
Injustice, western hypocrisy and a whiff of revolution were enough to get him firmly engaged: later, from 1969 to 1985, he was a vice-president of the Anti-Apartheid Movement in Britain. He produced an important series about his African journey for the New Statesman, and then wrote a book about the crimes of apartheid. Soon he was listed as a "prohibited immigrant", both in South Africa and in other parts of white-ruled Africa. That area of work was now closed for him.
So too was the New Statesman. On his return, Martin told him he was "proud to publish the articles, [but] if you have to hive off to another paper, I shall obviously understand".
When he was offered a job as an editor at Unesco, the British government vetoed his appointment. Again, it was alleged that he was a fellow traveller, and that his articles were quoted consistently in Moscow. Doubtless they were, since they were very good, and Soviet reporters had even less access to Africa than those from the west. Far from being soft on communists, Davidson was accused during the treason trial of László Rajk in Hungary in 1949 of being an agent of the British secret service, as indeed he had been.
Davidson was rescued by the Daily Herald (1954-57) and then taken up by Hugh Cudlipp at the Daily Mirror (1959-62). Encouraged to take an interest in the Mirror's publishing activities in Nigeria, Davidson made regular annual journeys through west, central and east Africa on the brink of independence from colonialism. Soon he was plunged deep into unwritten African history.
For a family man with three small sons, this was not an ideal profession. It was unfashionable, badly paid and meant long periods away from home. Davidson was no longer a journalist, yet nor was he a tenured academic. His wife, Marion Young, whom he had married during the war – she had also worked in SOE in Italy – somehow held their life together.
Books now began to pour out. The self-taught Davidson had an elegant prose style, at home with both fact and fiction. He wrote five novels and more than 30 other books. These were mainly about African history and included classic textbooks still in use in both east and west Africa. Davidson was enthused early on by the end of British colonialism and the prospects of pan-Africanism in the 1960s, and he wrote copiously and with warmth about newly independent Ghana and its leader, Kwame Nkrumah. He went to work for a year at the University of Accra in 1964.
Later he threw himself into the reporting of the African liberation wars in the Portuguese colonies, particularly in Angola, Mozambique, Cape Verde and Guinea-Bissau. Following in the steps of the great campaigning journalist Henry Nevinson, who had reported from Angola in 1905, he made an epic journey on foot half a century later that took him into the liberated areas of eastern Angola with the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola. The MPLA became the government at independence in 1975 and the epicentre of the cold war struggle in Africa.
Over the years the elaborate, CIA-run propaganda campaigns in favour of the MPLA's main rival movement, Unita, led by Jonas Savimbi and aided by the secret invasions of the apartheid regime, frequently stumbled against Davidson's authoritative counter-version. His scorn for the mainstream journalism that swallowed the western line on Angola was legendary. On Rhodesia, too, both the media and British government's equivocation and connivance with South Africa's support for the white regime found no more scathing critic than Davidson.
In the 1980s, with most of the African liberation wars now won – except for South Africa's – Davidson turned much of his attention to more theoretical questions about the future of the nation state in Africa. He remained a passionate advocate of pan-Africanism. In 1988 he made a long and dangerous journey into Eritrea, writing a persuasive defence of the nationalists' right to independence from Ethiopia, and an equally eloquent attack on the revolutionary leader Colonel Mengistu and the regime that had overthrown Haile Selassie. Davidson was invited to Havana to discuss the long-running Ethiopia-Eritrean war after the Cubans threw their weight behind Africa's latest revolution. He was irritated by the personal enthusiasm of Fidel Castro for Mengistu, and by the large numbers of Cuban troops sent to help him in his border war against Somalia – although they did not fight in Eritrea. Davidson expressed no surprise at Cuba taking on a new African protege, but he retained his own unfavourable view of Mengistu.
The eventual turn towards repressive government taken by his friends in the Eritrean leadership, when other leaders to whom he had been close were imprisoned in Asmara, was a sad rerun of a similar political trajectory he had witnessed in post-independence Angola. He did not like talking over these matters, but he did not disguise his disappointment. Critics from the right were swift to condemn the early judgments that he had made about these revolutions that had turned sour, and even some of his friends would have welcomed more debate.
In 1984 Davidson embarked on a new career in television, making Africa, an eight-part history series for Channel 4. He was excellent on screen, bringing to an unexpectedly wide audience a vision of Africa far from the usual famine-and-corruption cliches that annoyed him so much. His alternate version of African reality reached further and deeper than he had imagined possible, though he continued to write, producing notably The Black Man's Burden: Africa and the Curse of the Nation-State (1992); the collection of essays The Search for Africa (1994); and his final book, West Africa Before the Colonial Era: A History to 1850 (1998).
He received honorary degrees and appointments from many universities, including Edinburgh, Birmingham, Bristol, Manchester, Turin, Ghana and California, and was also decorated by Portugal and Cape Verde for his services to their history. Apart from his military medals, the British state was studiously uninterested in recognising his talents and his service.
He relished the irony of being decorated with great warmth in 2002 by the prime minister of Portugal – once an activist against the fascist regime that Davidson had done so much to bring down. And when the Cape Verde government chose to decorate him in 2003 in an Angolan embassy where the ambassador was a former prominent official of his old opponent Unita, he remarked drily on the surprising reconciliations demanded of those who live long enough.
He is survived by Marion and his sons.
Basil Risbridger Davidson, historian and campaigner, born 9 November 1914; died 9 July 2010
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