Wednesday, 3 October 2018

NEW IMMIGRATION LAWS APPROVED IN GERMANY FOR 5 YEARS TILL 2023


6-Month Job Seeking Visa

If you’re a professional/expert in your field, then this visa will make it easier for you to migrate to Germany even without a concrete job offer. You will however need to prove that you have the required German skills to work in that field and are able to sustain yourself during your stay in Germany before getting the visa. Previously, the visa was only available to people who went to German universities, this will no longer be the case.

Priority for German Employees over Third State Nationals Waived

This new law will generally eliminate the Priority Check (Vorrangprüfung) i.e. the employer having to provide evidence that there is no German or EU national that can do that job before being allowed to offer it to a Third State (Drittstaat) national. 
However, States where the unemployment rates are high will be allowed to reintroduce the Priority Check and even restrict access to some professions.

Restriction to Some Professions

This new law will allow for professionals and skilled employees who move to Germany to work “in all professions to which the credentials qualify the candidate”.
Previously, Third State nationals who got an approval without the Priority Check could only work in the professions identified to have a deficiency in applicants by the Federal Employment Agency (Bundesagentur für Arbeit).  There are currently 61 professions in the BA’s list.

IT Professionals

If you’re an IT Professional, then the rules are even more flexible for you. IT Professionals and other professions with an acute deficiency in applicants for positions, will be able to get a work permit without any formal qualifications if they can prove extensive work experience and have a job offer.

Easier transition to the job market for rejected Asylum Seekers

You might have followed the discussion on “Spurwechseln” i.e. whereby individuals apply for asylum and if that doesn’t work out, they instead look for a job and get a work permit instead. 
Well although there’s no official restriction to this, Seehofer mentioned that this law will continue to separate Asylum from labour migration and clear criteria shall be defined in the Right to Residence laws (Aufenthaltsrecht) to avoid people taking advantage of this new provision.
SOURCE

Monday, 1 October 2018

Politicians to blame for Mau debacle as eviction plan still on


Maasai Mau Forest
This image taken on July 26, 2018 shows indigenous tress felled in Maasai Mau Forest, Narok County. PHOTO | FILE | NATION MEDIA GROUP 
By GATUA MBARIA
More by this Author
The destruction of the Mara was bound to happen after it was turned into a playground as political and commercial interests converged inside the Maasai Mau Forest.
The original goal was the control of then Narok County Council which held the Maasai Mau Forest as trust land for the community.
It was the arrival of members of the Kalenjin community as new settlers in the Maasai Mau that appears to have changed the matrix in the 1980s.
Starting from 1998, the Nation was told, there was collusion between officials from the Ministry of Lands (most of who were from the Kalenjin community) and politicians such as Mr Anthony Kimetto, who served as MP for Chepalungu.
“He used to go to Narok each week to supervise printing of title deeds on an industrial scale. But unknown to Mr Kimetto and the people who bought the land, the Narok County Council and the Lands ministry had not gazetted the relevant areas as adjudication areas,” Mr Parselelo Kantai, a journalist who watched and documented the destruction as it started, said.
TITLE DEEDS
Mr Kantai says the defunct Narok County Council did not pass a resolution declaring parts of Maasai Mau an adjudication area — a loophole that is now being used to evict the settlers.
“Until an area is declared an adjudication zone, any title cannot be legally recognised,” Mr Kantai said, a position supported by Narok County Commissioner George Natembeya.
“The titles are mere pieces of paper,” Mr Natembeya said.
“If the titles held by the people there are legal, can the owners go to the banks to seek loans?” he asked.
To understand where we are today, Mr Kantai said, one must know the legal status of Maasai Mau forest and look at the very politics of Narok County since the 1970s when the late William ole Ntimama was the chairman of the Narok County Council.
TRUST LAND
Records show that Maasai Mau is not a government forest; it used to be trust land and ideally, it is still under the Narok County Government.
“The fundamental problem is that every attempt to demarcate the forest was never concluded.”
Mr Kantai says the first attempt was made in 1999 after Chief Lerionka ole Ntutu (now deceased) was commissioned by former President Daniel Moi to do so. This was not concluded, neither was a similar attempt 10 years later.
"As a result, what the government is doing today (evicting those who have invaded the forest) is based on legal quicksand and can be easily challenged in a court of law, especially when one looks at how the issues have unfolded over the last four decades. The encroachment of the Maasai Mau was a deliberate political move that was executed commercially.”
According to Mr Kantai, the Ogiek people owned the five group ranches located at the southern end of the forest.
OGIEK
As an ethnic minority in Narok who traditionally engaged in less ‘offensive’ forest uses such as bee keeping and hunting of small mammals, the Ogiek have always been painted as a community that lives-and-lets-forests-live.
But some prominent members of the community adopted the land selling and timber selling culture that gripped Kenya, especially during Mr Moi’s time.
The Kipsigis saw an opportunity. All along, the community had had a long-running border dispute with the Maasai that goes back to the late 1920s.
They therefore strategised and became members of the five Ogiek’s group ranches.
“Soon, the ranches started expanding very fast and having an avalanche of members.” Kantai added that one group ranch, Reyia, had an initial area of 36 hectares but was expanded to 3,600 hectares between 1988 and 2003.
MARA RIVER
The group ranch officials behind this relied on Kalenjin politicians for support and sought the services of surveyors who helped them to encroach into the forest as they “stuffed new members from Kericho, Bomet and other areas.”
But the entry of non-Maasai members into the Maasai Mau and outlying areas created a new environmental challenge that has resulted in the situation the Mara River is in today.
For one, the Ogiek went on, to a certain extent, to change their lifestyle. The forest cover was dwindling and with it the resources they had earlier relied upon for survival (wild animals and honey).
Some started engaging in cultivation and as Mr Kantai found out, there were five-acre pieces of cultivated land inside the forest.
At the same time, the Maasai people’s mode of resource use (pastoralism) that is credited with preservation of the forest was now not the dominant resource-use model there.
The Kipsigis were more interested in farming and were determined at that. After all, they had not broken any law.
“These are people who used their life-savings to buy the farms and were doing well,” Mr Kantai said, adding that some of the people who invested there were ex-soldiers involved in UN peacekeeping missions in Sierra Leone.
INCITE
It was also apparent from the field excursions the Nation undertook that blame cannot entirely be levelled against any one ethnic group.
“Majority of the Kalenjin people support conservation,” Mr Natembeya said. He warned against generalising, saying the blame should be laid on politicians, and especially those who incite one group against the other.
Indeed, prominent members of the Maasai community are not entirely blameless. “The late William ole Ntimama pushed the Narok County Council to sell its land in Olenguruoni side of the forest to himself and to Moi,” Mr Kantai claimed, adding that this is how Mr Moi acquired the Kiptagich Tea Farm.
Interestingly, Mr Ntimama’s claim that selling the land to himself and Mr Moi would contribute to the protection of the forest appears to have worked to some extent because the former President’s tea farm created some kind of a barrier that has prevented the invasion of the forest in the relevant section.
Other elite from the Maasai community including members of the Ole Ntutu family are said to have made a killing by selling off part of the land to residents of Bomet, Kericho and Nakuru. “There are very few elites who were not involved,” Mr Kantai revealed.
EVICTION
Official records show that Maasai Mau Forest is still trust land — the reason why the government seems determined to kick out the invaders, most of whom are Kalenjins.
Mr Natembeya told the Nation that already the government has evicted some 8,000 people during phase one and is set to evict between 18,000 and 20,000 people in phase two.
Mr Natembeya seemed alive to the fact that the entire issue has many layers of complications.
He said that the scam surrounding the Mau invasion involved “big people who colluded with group ranch officials, surveyors and lands officers”, adding that the “convergence of interests has now made it a very hot issue although it is supposed to be a straight forward matter”.
But the matter is hardly a straight forward one. According to Mr Kantai, one cannot comprehensively understand why the Mara River has lost water without taking into consideration the many sensitive dimensions that have culminated in what has become of the Maasai Mau forest today.
POLITICS
Considered part of the Mau Forest Complex, Maasai Mau is a very important forest from where nine of the rivers that feed Lake Victoria with water rise.
“This is 46,000 hectares of sensitive indigenous forest,” Mr Kantai said.
From its upper catchment area emanates the Ewaso Ngiro River that flows to Lake Natron in Tanzania, which is the main flamingo breeding ground.
On its part, the Mara River comes from the western part of the forest.
The political goal, it is now clear, was to control Narok County politically.
This has somewhat succeeded because any gubernatorial candidate in Narok is unlikely to win without securing support from members of the Kipsigis community — which also creates tension.
Any eviction is always seen by members of the Kalenjin community as a political attack on them.
The last time a major eviction was undertaken in the Mau Complex was in 2005.
CONSERVATION
This was three years after Kanu government lost power. Before then, the Kalenjin — who were believed to have dominated the Kenya Defence Forces, parastatals and other governmental institutions — were angered by the fact that the Narc government started laying them off and replacing them with members of other communities.
The Kalenjin felt aggrieved and their leaders started inciting them against leaving the forest. Forest can recover but what about Narok?
The government says that kicking the people out of the forest is a major move aimed at enabling it to recover by itself which will, in turn, return water to the Mara.
This view is shared by ecologists who also say that recovery of the forest will nevertheless take longer where all the trees have been cut down.
But the recovery of the Maasai Mau Forest and survival of the Mara River partly depends on whether the Narok County Government is willing to go the extra mile to manage the Mara ecosystem in a more efficient manner.
Currently, the county government is accused of doing a shoddy job if a report compiled by dons from the Maasai Mara University and their overseas counterparts is anything to go by.
POLICY
Dubbed ‘Building a Sustainable Management System for Maasai Mara National Reserve’, the 76-page report paints a gloomy picture of how the county is managing this globally-important resource.
The county’s Environment executive refused to talk with us even after promising to do so.
The Nation wanted the county government to address claims that county government has neither come up with its own management plan for the Maasai Mara nor does it seem keen to implement the one formulated through a process funded by the Wild Wide Fund (WWF) NGO that covered the 2012-2022 period.
This plan not only provides for an ecological management plan but calls for zoning off critically important areas of the Mara into high and low use areas and the Mara River corridor.
The dons say that licensing of new lodges and airstrips in the Mara ecosystem is inconsistent with recommendations of the environmental impact assessments conducted to protect the ecological balance of the reserve, and that unregulated growth in and very near the reserve is beginning to affect the ecosystem by interfering with animal habitats, creating environmental pollution and destroying the watershed that feeds the Maasai Mara and Serengeti.

Muthaura: How we awarded scholarships in Kibaki era



Francis Muthaura
Kenya Revenue Authority (KRA) board chairman Francis Muthaura speaks during the launch of Taxpayers Month and Customer Service Week at Times Tower in Nairobi County, October 1, 2018. Mr Muthaura says that Mr Kibaki directed him to ensure that two children of his nephew, Mr Philip Githinji, got government sponsorship to study in Australia. PHOTO | SALATON NJAU | NATION MEDIA GROUP 
By DAVID MWERE
More by this Author
It emerged on Monday that former president Mwai Kibaki used his position to push for the award of scholarships to his relatives.
Mr Kibaki's name was mentioned during the proceedings of the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) of the National Assembly.
DIRECTIONS
Former head of public service and secretary to the cabinet, ambassador Francis Muthaura, told the PAC that Mr Kibaki directed him to ensure that two children of his nephew, Mr Philip Githinji, got government sponsorship to study in Australia.
The sponsorship of Ian Githinji and Sandra Githinji has seen the government pay about Sh25 million for their education at Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology (RMIT).
Mr Githinji enrolled for a master’s degree in analytics while Ms Githinji went for a bachelor’s degree in interior design.
Although their programmes were to last four years from 2011 when they enrolled, six years down the line they are yet to finish their studies.
The committee members questioned why the two could not pursue the courses locally.
PRESSURE
According to Mr Muthaura, Mr Kibaki directed him to liaise with former Higher Education Permanent Secretary Chrispus Kiamba to have the students assisted after their father lost his job at Oil Libya Company Limited.
“After he lost his job, he could not sustain the education of his children," Mr Muthaura told the watchdog committee chaired by Ugunja Member of Parliament (MP) Opiyo Wandayi.
"He made an appeal to the president to be assisted through the government scholarship programme. The president considered the request and directed me to present the case to the Ministry of Education,”
Asked by Mr Wandayi to state the relationship between the retired president and Mr Githinji, and why the case was so special, Mr Muthaura said Mr Githinji is a nephew to the president.
“They are personalities who are known to me and you know the pressure that accompanies people in leadership whenever help is sought by the people. The president has discretion in the awarding of things like scholarships. He can intervene to assist anyone- the sick as well [and others] in distress,” he said but did not provide any legal proof to support his answer.
Mr Muthaura wrote to professor Kiamba on August 12, 2011 telling him that the two should be considered because of the “heavy burden Mr Githinji was carrying as a result of taking care of the seven children of his two deceased brothers, in addition to his own family”.
Another letter was to be written to include Ms Githinji in the president’s order, through his then private secretary professor Nick Wanjohi.
VERBAL INSTRUCTIONS
Rarieda MP Otiende Amollo wondered why the president occasioned the use of public resources when the assistance should have come from his pocket.
Dr Amolo also faulted the retired president for violating the Constitution in the communication of his decisions after Mr Muthaura admitted that some, in respect to Ms Githinji’s case, were verbal.
“Instructions of the president must always be in writing but what has been presented to the committee does not even have a seal as per the Constitution,” Dr Amollo noted.
The Constitution requires that a decision of the president, in the performance of any function of his or her office, be in writing and bear the seal and signature of the president.
PLEA
Mr Muthaura pleaded with the committee saying the government was still transitioning to the new constitutional order.
“Sympathise with us because we were under transition and had not yet developed the instruments,” he said.
Prof Kiamba also defended the scholarships saying the president acted within his powers.
“We were helping a Kenyan and the ministry was sponsoring students within the East African region and outside,” he said.
University Education and Research Chief Administrative Secretary (CAS) and Principal Secretary Collette Suda faulted the manner in which the scholarships were awarded when they appeared before the committee last week.
“We have a committee that oversees the award of scholarships. This case may have been handled differently,” Ms Suda told the MPs.
SOURCE

Wednesday, 26 September 2018

How Israel, China firms bribe Kenyan officials

TI says bribery of Kenyan officials has over the years continued unabated, partly because foreign governments are not enforcing the existing anti-bribery laws. FILE PHOTO | NMG 







By BRIAN NGUGI

More by this Author
Chinese and Israeli companies are among international contractors who regularly bribe Kenyan officials to win lucrative multi-billion shilling public infrastructure contracts, a new report by global corruption watchdog Transparency International (TI) says.
TI says bribery of Kenyan officials has over the years continued unabated, partly because foreign governments are not enforcing the existing anti-bribery laws.
“While China has criminalised the bribery of foreign public officials, in line with obligations under the UN Convention against Corruption, there has been no known enforcement against foreign corrupt practices by its companies, citizens and or residents,” the TI says in the report, which seeks to assess progress of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development's (OECD) anti-bribery convention.
TI says Chinese bribery of foreign officials has continued despite the fact that its companies and individuals have been the subject of publicly reported investigations and charges in numerous countries, including Bangladesh, Ethiopia, Kenya, Sri Lanka, the United States and Zambia.
Samuel Kimeu, the TI Kenya executive director, said failure to act on reported corruption cases has become a matter of great concern given the high cost of irregularly awarded contracts. "Runaway graft in public contracting is robbing taxpayers of value for money in publicly funded projects because they mostly result in poor workmanship.
"This inaction has anchored corruption as the main driver of contracting systems in Kenya,” Mr Kimeu said, adding that many of the local contracts are being awarded to proxies who then transfer them to foreign companies at a fee resulting in exaggerated costing.
Kenya last year enacted a law criminalising bribery and with severe penalties, including a Sh5 million fine for convicted executives and a 10-year embargo on their firms.
The law, which is modelled on the UK’s Bribery Act, seeks to punish private sector bribery, especially in their dealings with government.
The OECD Anti-Bribery Convention establishes legally binding standards to criminalise bribery of foreign public officials in international business transactions and provides for a host of punitive measures for effectiveness.
Its anti-graft pact boasts of being the “the first and only international anti-corruption instrument focused on the ‘supply side’ of the bribery transactions.”
While singling out China as the “world’s leading exporter of corruption,” the TI insists stringent punishment of Chinese officials implicated in graft will change the trend.
“(China) should acknowledge the influence of its companies in terms of how they conduct business in foreign markets,” the TI report says.
Chinese firms have in recent years firmed their grip on cash-rich infrastructure contracts in Kenya, including various roads and the multi-billion shilling Standard Gauge Railway (SGR).
The report is expected to rekindle public debate on the procurement of Kenya’s mega infrastructure projects and whether such procurement produces value for money.
Legal documents in past and ongoing cases have often shown how some rogue Kenyan State employees manipulate the procurement law to inflate tender prices and line their pockets with huge sums of money in exchange for shady deals.
Kenya's list of unresolved corruption cases involving foreign officials and companies includes the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission ‘chickengate’, Goodyear’s tyre deal, British American Tobacco’s “cigarette” scandal, among others.
Multiple Chinese companies are embroiled in contracting litigation in Kenyan courts.
Top Kenyan Transport ministry officials were recently in the spotlight for alleged involvement in shady procurement deals with an Israeli construction firm.
Investigators from the Israel Police on February 20, this year began probing former senior managers at Shikun & Binui, on suspicion that they were involved in bribery of public officials in Kenya to win lucrative tenders.
The probe saw Israeli investigators raid the company’s offices in Kenya and freeze some of its bank accounts.
In 2014, a four-year investigation by the United Kingdom’s Serious Fraud Office (SFO) into allegations of British firms dishing out bribes codenamed ‘chicken’ to Kenyan officials to secure deals, unearthed a multi-million-shilling corruption scam where local election officials pocketed millions of shillings in bribes to award lucrative printing contracts over a two-year period.
Under the Kenyan anti-bribery law, wheeler-dealers and “tenderpreneurs” convicted of giving, soliciting, receiving, or agreeing to receive a bribe face a Sh5 million fine and a 10-year jail term, coupled with a 10-year ban from holding any public office, company directorship or partner in any firm.

Tuesday, 18 September 2018

KFS fails to account for Sh1.8 billion

MV LikoniCommuters walk out of Mv Likoni, which was recalled from Mtongwe Channel after Mv Jambo and Mv Nyayo broke down, on March 19, 2018. The Kenya Ferry Services on the spot for failing to to account for Sh1.8 billion it used to buy two vessels from Turkey. PHOTO | FILE | NATION MEDIA GROUP 
By EDWIN MUTAI
More by this Author
The Kenya Ferry Services is in the headlines once again for failing to account for Sh1.8 billion it used to buy two vessels from Turkey.
Auditor-General Edward Ouko says in his latest report on the Mombasa-based parastatal that he could not confirm the validity and accuracy of the building and supply of the ferries at a cost of Sh1,863,000,000 nor the propriety of expenditure totalling to Sh1,519,379,614 paid to the contractor by June 30, 2017.
The report says the contract was awarded to a company ranked fourth during the technical evaluation but no explanation was provided as to how it was ultimately awarded the job.
Besides that, the Auditor-General found that the technical evaluation report indicated that the winning bidder was to supply roll on/roll off ferries and that dead weight at designed draft was 490 tonnes.
However, a review of the winning bidder’s tender document revealed that the company did not provide that information.
GUARANTEE
KFS was also found to have made a downpayment of $5,920,726.7 (Sh598,023,000) to the local agent in August 2015 despite the requirement that such settlement be made upon the production of an unconditional guarantee issued by a reputable bank in Kenya.
The audit found that the winning tenderer submitted a performance bank guarantee of $931,500 (Sh93,150,000) issued by a bank in Istanbul, Turkey.
"It was further noted that the performance bond dated July 13, 2015 was submitted 16 days after signing the contract, contrary to the general conditions of the deal,” Mr Ouko says in the report submitted to the National Assembly.
“The contractor was required to furnish the employer with the performance security before signing off the contract.”
ADVANCE
The audit found that KFS made an advance payment of $5,920,726.7 (Sh598,020,000) to the company but failed to remit six per cent value added tax, totalling Sh35,881,380 and withholding tax at 20 per cent for non-resident company totalling Sh119,604,380 despite advice from the Kenya Revenue Authority.
The ferries were to be delivered after 17 months or by November 2016, according to the contract signed on June 27, 2015.
“The first ferry — MV Jambo — was delivered in July 2017. At the time of the audit in October 2017, the second had not been delivered. Information available indicates that delivery was suspended by a court order,” the report adds.
“In light of the foregoing, it has not been possible to confirm the validity and accuracy of the building and supply of the two ferries at cost of Sh1,863,000,000 and propriety of expenditure totalling Sh1,519,379,614 paid to the contractor as at June 30, 2017.”
However, KFS says it did not fail to account for money as reported by Mr Ouko.
“How can we fail to account for Sh4 billion? What you wrote is different. I explained all these issues two months ago,” KFS managing director Bakari Gowa said.
Additional reporting by Winnie Atieno
This story was first published in the ‘Business Daily’

Monday, 17 September 2018

OFF MY CHEST: Sharon Otieno could have been me

Sharon Otieno, who was brutally murdered a few weeks ago, could easily have been me. ILLUSTRATION| IGAH
Sharon Otieno, who was brutally murdered a few weeks ago, could easily have been me. ILLUSTRATION| IGAH 
By BLOSSOM WERE
More by this Author
Sharon Otieno, 26, who was brutally murdered a few weeks ago, could easily have been me. At 25, I’m just a few months shy of her age.
Her death gave me pause and I started reflecting on how I became the person I am and how I got to this place of moral uprightness despite the strong “sponsor” winds that often threatened to sweep me off my feet by offering the kind of life that Sharon wanted. The life that she had.  
It’s no longer a secret that Sharon had an affair with Migori County Governor Okoth Obado.
I am a moralist. Insanely so. So even if I mount a defence for Sharon, it has nothing to do with me trying to be weird. Or wayward. Sharon's death made death feel so close. The same way Bobbi Kristina Brown's death affected me. The similarity in Sharon and Bobbi's deaths is that a quick eye will easily see the fault in the women - one choosing drugs and the other dating an older man. As Atsango Chesoni would put it, a society that is absolutely okay with the possibility of wiping itself away.
I will focus on Sharon.
Her relationship with Obado made me think of the older men that have made passes at me over the years.
One was a family friend, a man my father’s age, who openly stared at my boobs and asked me to pass by a certain town where he worked.
Another told me he would make my life more comfortable - he told me he has loved me since I was a child. My blood still goes cold when I remember those words.
And this is where my problems begin and where the search for long lasting solutions should begin. How about we start by older men keeping away from young women, because otherwise, the way I see it, we engage in the business of chasing the wind.
My point is, it is highly unlikely that I will walk up to my GCEO and ask him out on a date. Now, if he does ask me the response is a whole bag of worms: power play, naiveté, greed, fear, curiosity and foolishness.
VIRGIN UNTIL WEDDING NIGHT
I believe I should be a virgin on my wedding night (what the man believes is his business although I am not raising any step children and I am not accepting unhealthy people) but not all girls out there believe what I believe or have been raised to believe such.
Sharon did not deserve to die for her choices, especially since we live in a society where keeping up with the Joneses, Kardashians, Nairobi Diaries are the aspirations.
I feel deeply disturbed when we try to pretend that we are pure.
The attacks on Sharon on social media (yes, people in this side of the world have energy to advice a dead girl) got me thinking about my life and my own choices.
And the more I think about me, the more I realise that it might as well have been pure luck. When my campus friends were invited to pool parties, the only reason I did not join them was that I come from a home that does not do things like those; my parents do not speak from both sides of the mouth.
“Always remember where you are from!" is something my dad reminds me of, often. So no, knowing where I come from does not even allow me to step inside a club. Growing up a teacher’s child means there will always be a name to protect and prestige to maintain.
But one of the unintended consequences of that kind of upbringing is that staying away from men starts happening on autocue so that even at 25, you are blind to even the best of intentions. (Sorry to all men my age who have tried to date me and I did not even understand their actions). But that is a story for another day.
Having this very conversation recently with a dear woman, I realised that the reason I continue to have very high guard walls around me where dating is concerned is because the attitude of society can be so wrong at times and falling for the wrong person will turn me into the idiot. So yes, where I am concerned, men can continue living in Mars and I can remain in Venus. After all, as Malaika Mwaghera says in Margaret Ogola's Place of Destiny,
this whole falling in love thing is a pure game of chance and I might just be the one to pick the rotten apple from the barrel.
***
Do you feedback on this article? Please email: lifeandstyle@ke.nationmedia.com

Sunday, 16 September 2018

From oppression to power, Prof Muga saw it all


Ouma Muga
Prof Ouma Muga speaks during an interview on September 12, 2013 in Nairobi. His political career was chequered and defied easy understanding. PHOTO | FILE | NATION MEDIA GROUP 
By AKOKO AKECH
More by this Author
For weeks, his picture, frail and bed-ridden at a hospital, had been doing the rounds on social media, evoking various responses.
When Prof Ouma Muga eventually died early this month, the story of the former Rangwe MP, one-time assistant minister and academic was of neglect.
For some, his state told of friends, family or self-neglect. Others wondered how Muga, an accomplished academic and politician, had fallen on hard times, especially at a time when a career in the academy or parliamentary politics nearly guarantees material aggrandisement.
Prof Muga aka 'Bend Aburu' (ash-coated or preserved millet grains) was an enigmatic politician. His political career was chequered and defied easy understanding.
He studied at Makerere University and obtained a PhD in geophysics from Sydney University.
TOM MBOYA ASSASSINATION
He was Kenya’s only Professor of environmental studies in the late 1980s, founder of Moi University’s School of Environmental Studies, a one-time Dean of Arts at Makerere University, and chairman of the Department of Geography in the University of Zambia.
As a celebrated don at Makerere Hill, he dabbled in Uganda’s politics, supporting Milton Obote’s complex proposition of a single member representing multiple constituencies, which Obote had hoped would deethnicise Uganda’s fluid politics.
However, profoundly affected by the murder of Tom Mboya in 1969, Prof Muga abandoned the ivory tower and plunged headlong into the murky waters of Kenya’s politics.
"Professor, you shouldn’t have left Makerere," Prof Yash Tandon exclaimed when he saw Prof Muga, after decades, at a public event in a Nairobi hotel in the early 2000s.
ENTRY INTO POLITICS
In 1970, Prof Muga left an illustrious academic career at Makerere University and, together with the other Mboya loyalists like Sylvanus Oduor and Bernardus Aoko, plotted to overthrow the Jomo Kenyatta government. They were arrested and jailed for 10 years.
In the late 1980s, he returned to Kanu politics. Prof Muga was one of the leaders from South Nyanza who the Weekly Review described as "well-educated bureaucrats", and would be champions of development.
Aided by Hezekiah Oyugi, the permanent secretary in the Office of the President, they took on some of the best Dholuo orators in South Nyanza politics whose development record had been dismal.
Phares Oluoch Kanindo exemplified this lot. Keen on shifting South Nyanza politics away from "personality classes and clan rivalries" to "issues and ideas of development", and redressing the intra-Nyanza health, education and infrastructure inequality, Oyugi’s 1988 elections team of Peter Nyakiamo and Dalmas Otieno signalled an intellectual-technocratic turn in South Nyanza’s politics.
"Yamo Oloko", to mean the political wind was blowing in a new direction, Prof Muga claimed.
His seat, Rangwe constituency, like Dalmas Otieno’s Rongo, was carved out of the wider Homa Bay Constituency in 1987.
MOI'S SPEECH WRITER
He was one of the prominent pro-Moi leaders from Nyanza, at a particularly very dark moment of authoritarianism in Kenya characterised by anti-intellectualism, torture, detention without trial, disappearance, and pervasive fear of the Special Branch.
But Prof Muga’s dalliance with Kanu was short-lived. He was soon ensnared in Kanu’s snake pit politics of envy, jealousy, rough elbowing, gate keeping, witch hunts and even murder.
In South Nyanza’s politics of the late 1980s, this played out as the rivalry between Hezekiah Oyugi and David Okiki Amayo, the national chairman of Kanu and the feared chairman of the disciplinary committee, for the ears and eyes of President Moi.
He was accused by the South Nyanza Kanu branch of "boasting publicly that he was indispensable because he drafted speeches, President Moi’s speech in Rio de Janeiro on the destruction of the ozone layer, a precursor to the world’s debate on global warming", as well as "issuing bouncing cheques, creating religious discord, making empty promises, and stopping people from conducting harambees in his constituency".
On that day, sitting on the slab of the gate of Homa Bay Farmers’ Training Centre reading a Jerusalem Bible (Jerome’s) at lunchtime, he was stoic but forlorn, meditating, far away from the South Nyanza County Council Hall, where the Kanu stalwarts deliberated his fate.
KICKED OUT OF KANU
A devout Roman Catholic, Prof Muga often prayed at lunchtime during kangaroo-court trial.
He was abandoned by adults who knew too well the dangers of associating with a political 'outcast', only those who were too young to know how dangerous Kanu’s politics of suspicion and back stabbings could come close to such a 'dissident'.
In the land of intellectual Lilliputians led by councillor Akech Chieng’, it seems Prof Muga had claimed more than his fair share of intellectual credit, where the norm is to claim nothing and credit the leader with every stroke of real or imagined brilliance. Prof Muga was kicked out of Kanu in 1989.
Politically homeless, he bounced back with gusto in the early 1990s as one of the Young Turks, a group of mostly well-educated, middle aged men, the activists of the Forum for the Restoration of Democracy (Ford) - the political movement that had boldly broken Moi’s chokehold on Kenya’s politics.
Muga’s trademark beard was greying, eyes blood-shot and fierce as ever, his piercing gaze firmly fixed on the prize: "Ford …! Uhuru, Haki na Ukweli. Ford … Mayienga (earth shaker)," he thundered on the stump.
MULTIPARTY POLITICS
Through sweat and blood, the Young Turks, like the Wangari Maathai-led mothers of political prisoners’ nude protest at Uhuru Park’s Freedom Corner, shook the foundations of the authoritarian one-party state.
They freed us from the fears of Moi’s Special Branch police state. Prof Muga, true to his moniker 'Bend Aburu,' the ash-preserved millet grains, survived the Kanu political weevils, outlived the one-party dictatorship and planted the seeds of multiparty politics.
Prof Muga, it seems, did not live by bread alone, but by high religious and political ideals, though he had his flaws.
The writer is a PhD Fellow, Makerere Institute of Social Research