In Summary
- According to this view, efforts by President Uhuru Kenyatta to reconcile the rival factions of President Salva Kiir and his former vice-president and now foe, Riek Machar, are futile.
- They should be left to fight, kill each, and eventually, when the country has bled to exhaustion and one of them is standing over the corpses of his enemies, they will sober up and stabilise their homeland.
- What makes this complicated is that rebel movements like the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement had members who live in the diaspora and are successful professionals in London, New York, Kampala, and Nairobi, and too were used to a good life.
Soldiers — and rebels — are
gang-raping girls, then burning them alive. They grab children who are
being breastfed, throw them into fires, then rape their mothers. Little
boys are being castrated. Now stereotypes about “Sudanese fury” are all
over the place.
What went wrong? The hard-nosed
analysts are saying it was a mistake to negotiate an end to the South
Sudan war. That you get the kind of result you have in Burundi, where
the victors, the fellows who come to be chiefs, did not win a clear
victory on the battlefield and therefore their claim to power is
challenged.
That a situation like Rwanda, where after
the 1994 genocide President Paul Kagame and his Rwanda Patriotic
Front/Army won a decisive victory, works better. You are the jogoo and
can invite others to the table, with them knowing clearly it is on your
terms.
According to this view, efforts by President
Uhuru Kenyatta to reconcile the rival factions of President Salva Kiir
and his former vice-president and now foe, Riek Machar, are futile.
They
should be left to fight, kill each, and eventually, when the country
has bled to exhaustion and one of them is standing over the corpses of
his enemies, they will sober up and stabilise their homeland.
However,
we live in a world where that is simply not conscionable and the
obligations of the international community just do not permit it.
We can, however, learn from the mistakes that were made in the Nairobi negotiations of the South Sudan (and Somalia agreements).
The
same mistakes were repeated recently in the South Sudan negotiations in
the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa. To put it simplistically, Nairobi
and Addis Ababa hotels, and per diems, are not good for peace.
In
the recent talks in Addis Ababa, the South Sudanese delegates were more
intent on enjoying the luxuries of the Sheraton and collecting their
allowances. They did not want it to end, so they dragged out the talks.
Desperate and fed up, the Ethiopians downgraded them and put them into
cheaper hotels.
Why does any of this matter? Because
anyone who is a citizen of a once-broken country which dug its way out
of a hole knows that there is no shortcut to the slow and frustrating
work of building block by block.
If you spend four
years in a fancy hotel talking Somalia or South Sudan peace, and the
Kenyan government and donors are footing your bills, you forget how to
live on what you earn. You want to replicate the hotel life when you go
home to become a minister in the new government born out of the peace
settlement.
You end up with a parasitic elite that does
nothing to build the country. Thus you have the absurd situation in
South Sudan, which did not have paved roads to speak of, but with the
highest number of brand-new Toyota four-wheel-drive cars per capita in
the region — and possibly in Africa.
Also, because it
is easier to buy a Prado from taxpayers’ and oil money than to build a
house, we had those photos of South Sudanese big men, with their
$100,000 cars parked outside grass-thatched houses where they lived.
What
makes this complicated is that rebel movements like the Sudan People’s
Liberation Movement had members who live in the diaspora and are
successful professionals in London, New York, Kampala, and Nairobi, and
too were used to a good life.
Some of these too are not willing to take the haircut necessary and live simply when the negotiated spoils of war arrive.
Without
a hardcore who lived a hard long life battling in the caves and
mountains, as happened in the case of Meles Zenawi’s Tigrayan People’s
Liberation Front, willing to take a little more pain to build things,
these former “freedom fighters” usually quickly fall into a food fight.
Which is what happened in South Sudan.
The lesson here
is that the next time Kenya, for example, is holding peace negotiations
for some African warring parties, it should not check them into the
Intercontinental or Serena hotels and hold the meetings there. It should
pitch for them a camp in Ngong Forest.
The author is editor of Mail & Guardian Africa. mgafrica.com. Twitter@cobbo3
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